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Repacholi supported the bill, stating it aligned the rebate system with income-based principles rather than age. Repacholi argued that the savings would fund nearly $3 billion in aged care improvements, including more residential beds and Support at Home places. Repacholi dismissed opposition claims of a private insurance collapse, noting government modelling predicted only a 0.4 per cent reduction in membership. Repacholi emphasised that lower and middle-income earners would retain substantial rebate support and highlighted broader investments in Medicare and public hospitals.
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Georganas defended the bill as a responsible decision to target government support where it was most needed. Georganas clarified that the rebate was not being abolished, with those earning under $101,000 retaining a 24 per cent subsidy. Georganas argued that the reform addressed the unfairness of identical incomes receiving different rebates based solely on age. Georganas linked the policy to broader Labor achievements in health funding and criticised the coalition for past cuts to Medicare and hospital services.
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Witty supported the legislation, framing it as part of a broader strategy to rebuild neglected aged care services. Witty noted that the Royal Commission had exposed systemic failures that required significant investment, which this bill helped fund. Witty highlighted that the reform ensured equal treatment for households with the same income, regardless of age. Witty also pointed to the success of Medicare urgent care clinics and record public hospital funding as evidence of the government's commitment to a strong health system.
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Sharkie opposed the bill, describing it as an attack on older Australians who were already struggling with fixed incomes. Sharkie argued that the loss of the age-based rebate would force many to drop private cover, increasing wait times for public elective surgeries. Sharkie cited polls showing high opposition to the cuts among older Australians and warned that regional private hospitals might face viability issues. Sharkie urged the government to reconsider the policy, stating it was punitive and ignored the contributions of older citizens.
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Jarrett supported the bill, arguing that income was a better measure of capacity to pay than age. Jarrett explained that the reform maintained substantial support for lower-income earners while removing subsidies for wealthier retirees. Jarrett emphasised the principle of intergenerational fairness, noting that younger Australians faced significant housing and cost-of-living pressures. Jarrett stated that the redirected funds would help sustain aged care services for the future, ensuring dignity and quality care for older Australians.
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Violi argued the bill punished older Australians and veterans by cutting rebates to fund other government priorities, such as home battery programs and bank subsidies. Violi claimed the policy shifted costs from the federal government to state-run public hospitals, which were already overwhelmed. Violi stated that younger Australians would not benefit from the changes, as their insurance costs would not decrease, and accused the government of stoking intergenerational conflict.
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Jordan-Baird argued that removing age-based rebates created a fairer system where subsidies were based on income rather than age. Jordan-Baird stated that savings from the rebate reduction would be invested in aged care, including 5,000 additional beds and free personal care services. Jordan-Baird also highlighted broader health investments, such as urgent care clinics and public hospital funding, and noted reforms to improve transparency in private health insurance costs.
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Batt opposed the bill, stating it would force seniors to downgrade or drop private cover, thereby increasing pressure on public hospitals and risking the viability of regional private hospitals. Batt cited survey results indicating many seniors in his electorate would cancel cover due to unaffordability. Batt argued the policy lacked proper consultation and modelling, and claimed it would disproportionately affect poorer retirees and those in regional areas.
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Coffey supported the bill, arguing it directed estimated $3 billion in savings towards aged care to meet rising demand for residential beds and home support. Coffey explained that the change ensured intergenerational fairness by aligning rebate rates with income levels across all age groups. Coffey emphasised that older Australians would still receive significant income-based rebates and that the policy was part of a broader commitment to strengthening Medicare and public health infrastructure.
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Haines opposed the bill, expressing concern that the rebate reduction would disproportionately impact low-income pensioners who could least afford the increase. Haines noted that Parliamentary Budget Office analysis indicated half the savings would come from age pensioners. Haines argued that while aged care funding was needed, taking money from vulnerable retirees was unfair and would likely lead to downgrades in cover, affecting access to essential services.
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Moncrieff supported the bill, framing the rebate change as a correction of a Howard-era distortion that treated people differently based on age rather than need or means. Moncrieff argued that maintaining the age-based rebate discouraged younger, healthier people from participating in the private insurance market. Moncrieff stated that the savings would fund critical aged care improvements, including dementia care and support at home, and dismissed claims of a mass exodus from private insurance.
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Birrell opposed the bill, arguing it represented a cost shift that would harm regional health systems by reducing private hospital capacity. Birrell warned that the loss of private cover among seniors would increase demand on public hospitals and potentially lead to the closure of regional private facilities. Birrell called for more transparent modelling of the impacts on elective surgery waiting lists and state budgets before proceeding with the legislation.
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Wilkie opposed the bill, stating that retirees on fixed incomes, particularly those reliant on the age pension, could not afford the increased premiums. Wilkie argued that forcing seniors to drop cover would overwhelm an already stressed public health system, particularly in states like Tasmania. Wilkie characterised the move as a budget saving measure that breached trust with older Australians who had maintained private cover to reduce pressure on public hospitals.
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Scamps opposed the bill, arguing that removing the age-based rebate would disproportionately affect pensioners and retirees on fixed incomes. Scamps cited government estimates that 3.2 million Australians would face higher premiums, potentially leading to 44,000 fewer older Australians holding private insurance by 2028-29. Scamps highlighted concerns from stakeholders like the Australian Medical Association and Private Healthcare Australia, which predicted higher cancellation rates and increased pressure on public hospitals. Scamps argued that the policy ignored the costs of delayed care and chronic disease management, and called for an amendment to exempt low-income pensioners from the rebate reduction.
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Small characterised the bill as a tax grab targeting older Australians who had maintained private insurance for decades. Small argued that the policy would force pensioners to choose between essential spending and health cover, thereby increasing pressure on already strained public health systems, particularly in Western Australia. Small cited industry warnings that up to 91,000 people might drop cover, far exceeding government estimates, and noted that multiple state governments opposed the measure due to the anticipated cost shift to their hospitals.
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Pike emphasised that the issue was a top concern for constituents, including those on modest incomes, who viewed private insurance as a way to avoid burdening the public system. Pike disputed government modelling, citing independent actuarial data suggesting that increased public hospital costs would outweigh Commonwealth savings. Pike warned that a shrinking pool of insured members would drive up premiums for those remaining and argued the policy was a cynical political calculation that ignored the economic and health consequences for regional communities.
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Landry argued that the bill would impose significant costs on older Australians in regional Queensland, where private insurance plays a central role in funding hospital admissions. Landry highlighted that 70 per cent of affected individuals had incomes of $55,000 or less, making them vulnerable to premium increases. Landry cited modelling indicating that public hospital costs would exceed Commonwealth savings, creating a false economy, and called for the government to release transparent data on the impact on elective surgery waiting lists and state budgets before proceeding.
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Ryan opposed the bill, arguing it shifted costs to states and pensioners without addressing underlying issues in the private health insurance sector, such as out-of-pocket expenses and specialist fees. Ryan moved an amendment requiring the government to publish net savings figures and exempt age pension recipients from the rebate reduction. Ryan cited Parliamentary Budget Office analysis showing pensioners would lose $1.6 billion in support by 2029-30 and warned that downgrades would remove cover for critical services like cataract and joint replacement surgery.